A comparison with modern naval procurement shows why a fleet that looks sufficient in peacetime may have little margin for combat losses or technical failure.
Articles 14 to 16 define cruisers and destroyers by displacement and gun calibre, then set category tonnage, heavy-cruiser numbers, large-destroyer proportions, and aircraft-platform limits through 1936.
The 16-percent large-destroyer allowance accommodated flotilla leaders that could carry staff, provide firepower, and protect destroyers as they moved into attack.
Britain needed cruisers for a global war, while Japan planned to wear down American and British fleets as they crossed the Pacific toward Japanese waters.
British naval planning covered a global Commonwealth whose dominion fleets remained small and whose governments expected a voice in deciding where their forces would serve.
A partly recalled 1922 confrontation with Turkey shows how a dominion could reject London's call for support, complicating the idea of automatic imperial mobilisation.
An Italian limpet-mine operation illustrates how damage could remove battleships for months even when it did not sink them, reducing an already stretched Royal Navy's usable strength.
Japan received submarine-tonnage equality, while Britain had strong strategic reasons to seek a world in which submarines did not impose anti-submarine burdens on its sea lanes.
A comparison between submarine development and US Marine Corps tanks shows how a service loses doctrine and practical skill when it stops exercising a capability.
Japan believed its naval strategy required far more submarine tonnage than the treaty allowed, while the Royal Navy was abandoning a fleet-submarine concept that contemporary propulsion could not make practical.
A closing engineering discussion explains why thin destroyer hulls offered little protection to machinery crews working beside boilers, turbines, and high-pressure steam.
The detailed rules are interpreted as restricting American and Japanese options more than British ones, while curbing Britain's practice of building foreign warships it might retain in wartime.
Separate Dominion delegations, alongside India, place naval diplomacy within the British Empire's uneven movement toward self-government and locally controlled armed institutions.
MacDonald's First World War pacifism and later support for national preparedness help explain the political logic behind a Labour government negotiating naval limits.
A tangent about Royal Navy naming traditions and Titian's mythological subjects argues that inherited classical stories should be examined critically rather than repeated unreflectively.
Trying to fit the armament expected of a roughly 1,850-2,000-ton destroyer into a nominal 1,500-ton treaty hull produced an overweight, over-gunned design.
British, American, Japanese, French, and Italian design choices reveal different answers to torpedo armament, destroyer guns, sea conditions, and cruiser firepower.
Article 10 required notice of a ship's laying down and completion, along with dimensions, displacement, and main-gun information that enabled outside scrutiny.
Treaty categories and replacement rules shaped ships that navies carried into World War II because there was too little time to undo every interwar design compromise.
Before proposing an earlier Pacific war, the discussion distinguishes a bounded counterfactual from an alternate-history narrative that follows one imagined path much further.
The closing counterfactual argues that without the London Treaty's modifications to the Washington system, Japan might have felt compelled to strike the United States in 1937 or 1938.
Article 2's disposal list let Britain shed ageing, labour-intensive battleships while an overstretched economy faced overdue infrastructure investment.
Britain could concede old battleships while bargaining for the numerous cruisers needed to defend trade, hunt surface raiders, and support a concentrated battle fleet.
The London negotiations reduced the influence of professional naval officers after political leaders blamed naval delegations for the earlier Geneva failure.